中国外交，尤其是外交思想与大战略，中美关系、中国与东南亚关系、南海问题；
东亚国际关系，尤其是东亚安全秩序；
古代中国的外交关系，尤其是天下观念和朝贡体系；
中国国际关系理论研究

2014—2019年  澳大利亚国立大学贝尔亚太事务学院国际关系学系研究员

2018—2019年  贝尔亚太事务学院副院长

2018—2019年  澳大利亚国立大学中华全球研究中心执行委员会委员

澳大利亚《战略家》杂志外交事务专栏作家、中国澎湃新闻外交事务专栏作家；

美国《中国档案》、《外交事务》、《外交政策》、《国家利益》，新加坡《国际公共政策评论》网站、《海峡时报》等撰稿人；

CNN 、NPR、《纽约时报》等媒体特约评论员

以下所列内容均为唯一作者，除非特殊说明。

1. Book

Chinese Hegemony: Grand Strategy and International Institutions in East Asian History, Stanford University Press, 2015.

2. Refereed Journal Articles

[1]   “China’s Long March at Sea: Explaining Beijing’s South China Sea Strategy, 2009—2016,” The Pacific Review (2020).

[2]   “China’s Curious Nonchalance toward the Indo-Pacific,” Survival (2019).

[3]   “Chinese Approaches to the South China Sea Code of Conduct Negotiation,” East Asia Policy (2019).

[4]   “Is Southeast Asia Really Balancing against China?” The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 41, No. 3 (Fall 2018), pp. 191-204.

[5]   “Chinese Visions of the Asian Political-Security Order,” Asia Policy, Vol. 13, No. 2 (April 2018), pp. 13-18.

[6]   “Chinese Thinking on the South China Sea and the Future of Regional Security,” Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 132, No. 3 (Fall 2017), pp. 435-466.

[7]   “Assessing China’s Changing Attitudes toward Singapore,” China: An International Journal, Vol. 15, No. 3 (August 2017), pp. 1-25.

[8]   “Assessing China’s Response to the South China Sea Arbitration Ruling,” Australian Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 71, No. 4 (2017), pp. 440-459.

[9]   “Challenge Accepted: China’s Response to the US Rebalance to the Asia-Pacific,” Security Challenges, Vol. 12, No. 3 (November 2016), pp. 45-60.

[10]   “Assessing China’s South China Sea Policy, 2009-2015,” East Asian Policy, Vol. 8, No. 3 (July/September 2016), pp. 100-109.

[11]   “China as a Global Force,” Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies, Vol. 3, No. 1 (January 2016), pp. 117-125.

[12]   “Confucian Foreign Policy Traditions in Chinese History,” Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 8, No. 2 (Summer 2015), pp. 197-218.

[13]   “How Hierarchic Was the Historical East Asian System?” International Politics, Vol. 51, No. 1 (January 2014), pp. 1-22.

[14]   “The Rise of Chinese Exceptionalism in International Relations,” European Journal of International Relations, Vol.19, No. 2 (June 2013), pp. 305-328.

[15]   “China’s New Thinking on Alliances,” Survival: Global Politics and Strategy, Vol. 54, No. 5 (October—November 2012), pp. 129-148.

[16]   “Rethinking China’s Grand Strategy: Beijing’s Evolving National Interests and Strategic Ideas in the Reform Era,” International Politics, Vol. 49, No. 3 (May 2012), pp. 318-345.

[17]   “The Tsinghua Approach and the Inception of Chinese Theories of International Relations,” Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 5, No. 1 (Spring 2012), pp. 73-102.

[18]   “Reconceiving the Balance of Power: A Review Essay,” Review of International Studies, Vol. 37, No. 2 (April 2011), pp. 641-651.

[19]   “Rethinking the ‘Tribute System’: Broadening the Conceptual Horizon of Historical East Asian Politics,” Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 2, No. 4 (Winter 2009), pp. 545-574.

3. Refereed Book Chapters

[1]   “India in China’s Strategic Thought,” in Kanti Bajpai, Manjari Chatterjee, and Miller Selina Ho, eds., Routledge Handbook of China-India Relations (London: Routledge, forthcoming).

[2]   “Chinese Thinking on the South China Sea and the Future of Regional Security,” in Huiyun Feng and Kai He, eds., US-China Competition and the South China Sea Disputes (London: Routledge, 2018), pp. 48-64.

[3]   “US Foreign Policy in the Asia Pacific,” in Michael Cox and Doug Stokes, eds., US Foreign Policy, 3^rd edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018).

[4]   “International Societies in Premodern East Asia,” in Barry Buzan and Yongjin Zhang, eds., English School Theory and East Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 29-50.

[5]   “Chinese Exceptionalism in the Intellectual World of China’s Foreign Policy,” in Rosemary Foot, ed., China across the Divide: The Domestic and Global in Politics and Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 43-71.

[6]   “Debating the ‘Chinese Theory of International Relations’: Toward a New Stage in China’s International Relations,” in Fred Dallmayr and Zhao Tingyang, eds., Contemporary Chinese Political Thought: Debates and Perspectives (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 2012), pp. 67-87.

[7]   “Rethinking the ‘Tribute System’: Broadening the Conceptual Horizon of Historical East Asian Politics,” in Zheng Yongnian, ed., China and International Relations: The Chinese View and the Contribution of Wang Gungwu (London: Routledge, 2010), pp. 75-101.

[8]   “Regionalization in the Tianxia? Continuity and Change in China’s Foreign Policy,” in Emilian Kavalski, ed., China and the Global Politics of Regionalization (Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 19-32.

4. Refereed Chinese-language Journal Articles

[1]   《中国国际关系研究中的清华路径》(The Tsinghua Approach in China’s Study of International Relations)，《国际政治科学》(Quarterly Journal of International Politics)，No. 4 (2012), pp. 125-156.

[2]   《“中国例外论”刍议》(On Chinese Exceptionalism)，《世界经济与政治》(World Economics and Politics), No. 3 (2012), pp. 85-102.

[3]   《天下体系：一个中国式乌托邦中的世界秩序》(The Tianxia System: World Order in a Chinese Utopia)，《复旦国际关系评论》(Fudan International Studies Review), Vol. 10 (2011), pp. 87-92.

[4]   《解构朝贡体系》(Deconstructing the Tribute System),《国际政治科学》(Quarterly Journal of International Politics), No. 2 (2010), pp. 33-62.

5. Non-refereed Journal Articles, Policy Reports and Other Publications

[1]   “China’s Policy towards Southeast Asia during Xi Jinping’s Second Term,” EAI Bulletin, November 2017, p. 7.

[2]   “Strategic Resoluteness: The Chinese Approach to the Trump Administration,” in The Trump Administration’s First 100 Days: What Should Asia Do? (Canberra: ANU College of Asia & the Pacific, April 2017), p. 47.

[3]   “Assessing China’s Changing Attitudes towards Singapore,” EAI Background Brief No.1241, April 2017, East Asian Institute, National University of Singapore, pp. 1-31.

[4]   “Building Trust for the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ in Southeast Asia,” EAI Bulletin, Vol. 19, No. 1 (March 2017), p. 13.

[5]   “South China Sea Arbitration Award: Breathtaking (but Counterproductive),” Asian Politics & Policy, Vol. 9, No. 1 (January 2017), pp. 134-136.

[6]   “Rethinking Chinese Hegemony in East Asian History: A Response,” H-Diplo/ISSF Roundtable Reviews, Vol. XI, No. 1 (2016), pp. 21-27.

[7]   “Assessing China’s South China Sea Policy under Xi Jinping,” EAI Background Brief No. 1141, June 2016, East Asian Institute, National University of Singapore, pp. 1-14.

[8]   “2016: A Tough Year for China in the South China Sea,” EAI Bulletin, Vol. 18, No. 1 (March 2016), p.3.

[9]   “Structure and Agency in the Formation of Sovereign Statehood in East Asia,” H-Diplo/ISSF Roundtable Reviews, Vol. VII, No. 5 (November 2014), pp. 10-13.

[10]   “The Tianxia System: World Order in a Chinese Utopia,” Global Asia, Vol. 4, No. 4 (Winter 2010), pp. 108-112.

[11]   Review of War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe by Victoria Tin-bor Hui, International Affairs, Vol. 83, No. 1 (Spring 2007), pp. 201-202.

6. Op-Eds

[1]   “Is China Capable of Providing International Stability?” The Strategist, 23 January 2019, https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/is-china-capable-of-providing-international-stability/

[2]   “The China-North Korea Relationship: More of the Same,” The Strategist, 12 April 2018, https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/china-north-korea-relationship/

[3]   “Is China Changing Its Strategy Towards North Korea?” East Asian Forum, 4 April 2018, http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2018/04/04/is-china-changing-its-strategy-towards-north-korea/

[4]   “Striving for Power: Chinese Foreign Policy in Xi Jinping’s ‘New Era’”, The Strategist, 13 November 2017, https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/striving-for-power-chinese-foreign-policy-in-xi-jinpings-new-era/

[5]   “Learning Lessons, Not Scoring Points, from the Doklam Standoff,” The Strategist, 7 September 2017, https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/learning-lessons-not-scoring-points-doklam-standoff/

[6]   “Is a Second Sino-Indian Border War Imminent?” The Strategist, 10 August 2017, https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/second-sino-indian-border-war-imminent/

[7]   “Can China Take Advantage of America’s Strategic Deficit in Asia – and Mind Its Own, too?” The Strategist, 15 June 2017, https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/can-china-take-advantage-americas-strategic-deficit-asia-mind/

[8]   “The BRI and China’s New Regional Strategy,” The Strategist, 31 May 2017, https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/bri-chinas-new-regional-strategy/

[9]   “Tillerson Speaks Chinese: The United States and Beijing’s Diplomatic Language,” Foreign Affairs, 4 April 2017, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2017-04-04/tillerson-speaks-chinese

[10]   “Is Australia Now China’s Strategic Prize?” The Strategist, 28 March 2017, https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/australia-now-chinas-strategic-prize/

[11]   “What Does China Want for Asia-Pacific Security in 2017?” The Strategist, 1 February 2017, https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/china-want-asia-pacific-security-2017/

[12]   “Start of China’s Coercive Diplomacy towards Singapore,” The Straits Times, 6 October 2016, http://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/start-of-chinas-coercive-diplomacy-towards-singapore

[13]   “The Paradox at the Heart of the South China Sea Ruling,” Foreign Policy, 28 July 2016, http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/07/28/can-china-actually-be-benefiting-from-south-china-sea-ruling-paradox-hague-philippines/

[14]   “Breathtaking but Counterproductive: the South China Sea Arbitration Award,” The Strategist, 14 July 2016, http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/breathtaking-counterproductive-south-china-sea-arbitration-award/ (reprinted by The National Interest as “South China Sea Arbitration Award: Breathtaking (But Counterproductive)”)

[15]   “China’s Claims in the South China Sea Rejected,” ChinaFile, 12 July 2016, https://www.chinafile.com/conversation/chinas-claims-south-china-sea-rejected

[16]   “Should Australia Worry about Chinese Expansion in the South Pacific,” The Strategist, 11 July 2016, http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/australia-worry-chinese-expansion-south-pacific/

[17]   “The Fight inside China over the South China Sea,” Foreign Policy, 23 June 2016, http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/06/23/the-fight-inside-china-over-the-south-china-sea-beijing-divided-three-camps/

[18]   “A War of Words over the South China Sea,” ChinaFile, 13 June 2016, https://www.chinafile.com/conversation/war-of-words-over-south-china-sea

[19]   “Can the US-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue Do Anything about the South China Sea?” The Strategist, 9 June 2016, http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/can-us-china-strategic-economic-dialogue-anything-south-china-sea/ (reprinted by The National Interest as “South China Sea: Can the US-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue Help?”)

[20]   “Why Is China Building New Islands in the South China Sea?” IPP Review, 7 May 2016, http://ippreview.com/index.php/Home/Blog/single/id/128.html

[21]   “The Origins of China’s Island Construction in the South China Sea,” IPP Review, 5 May 2016, http://ippreview.com/index.php/Home/Blog/single/id/126.html

[22]   “Freedom of Navigation in the South China Sea: A Modus Vivendi between the US and China?” IPP Review, 10 March 2016, http://ippreview.com/index.php/Home/Blog/single/id/43.html

[23]   “DWP 2016: China, Australia and the US Rebalance?” The Strategist, 4 March 2016, http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/dwp-2016-china-australia-and-the-us-rebalance/

[24]   “How Close Was the Latest Close Call in the South China Sea?” ChinaFile, 2 February 2016, https://www.chinafile.com/conversation/how-close-was-latest-close-call-south-china-sea

[25]   “Developing a Balanced Perspective on Chinese Investment in Australia,” The Strategist, 30 November 2015, http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/developing-a-balanced-perspective-on-chinese-investment-in-australia/

[26]   “Xi’s Visit: Framing and Ordering Outcomes,” The Strategist, 7 October 2015, http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/xis-visit-framing-and-ordering-outcomes/

[27]   “Beijing’s Anti-Corruption Drive: What’s at Stake? (Part 2),” The Strategist, 29 September 2015, http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/beijings-anti-corruption-drive-whats-at-stake-part-ii/

[28]   “Beijing’s Anti-Corruption Drive: What’s at Stake? (Part 1),” The Strategist, 24 September 2015, http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/beijings-anti-corruption-drive-whats-at-stake-part-1/

[29]   “Why Isn’t Beijing Excited about Xi’s Trip to the United States,” Foreign Policy, 23 September 2015, http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/09/23/why-isnt-beijing-excited-about-xis-trip-to-the-united-states/

[30]   “Is China Ready to Resume Its Imperial Glory?” The Strategist, 18 September 2015, http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/is-china-ready-to-resume-its-imperial-glory/ (reprinted by The National Interest as “Xi Jinping’s Real Chinese Dream: An ‘Imperial’ China?”)

[31]   “Beijing’s Master Plan for the South China Sea,” Foreign Policy, 23 June 2015, http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/06/23/south_china_sea_beijing_retreat_new_strategy/

[32]   “Should Beijing Establish an Air Defense Identification Zone over the South China Sea?” Foreign Policy, 4 June 2015, http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/06/04/should-beijing-establish-an-air-defense-identification-zone-over-the-south-china-sea/

[33]   “Provoking Beijing in the South China Sea Will Only Backfire on Washington,” Foreign Policy, 21 May 2015, http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/05/21/united states-provoke-beijing-south-china-sea-air-defense-identification-zone/